Ottoman Haifa: A History of Four Centuries under Turkish Rule (Library of Middle East History)
This article explores the Ottoman point of view with regard to determining the border between the different administrative units composing Ottoman Palestine and the Province of Egypt, which was ruled by Britain after but was still This article explores the Ottoman point of view with regard to determining the border between the different administrative units composing Ottoman Palestine and the Province of Egypt, which was ruled by Britain after but was still formally under Ottoman sovereignty.
Developing Perspectives in Mamluk History more. Table of Content and Introduction of a new edited volume in honor of Prof. Amalia Levanoni which includes papers by 17 researchers of the Mamluk period from all over the world. The article discusses a page document recently located at the Ottoman archive in Istanbul in which Cemal Pasha , the Ottoman military governor of Syria and Palestine during WWI, the commander of the Fourth Division, and the The article discusses a page document recently located at the Ottoman archive in Istanbul in which Cemal Pasha , the Ottoman military governor of Syria and Palestine during WWI, the commander of the Fourth Division, and the Minister of the Navy, states his position to Istanbul on a series of critical and controversial issues.
The document was sent on May 26, to the Ottoman Minister of the Interior Mehmet Talaat Pasha , through the imperial telegraph system in code shifre. The article presents Cemal Pasha's positions as they appeared in the document which is termed here 'the manifest' and has been translated in its entirety. It clarifies a number of key issues, and sets them in their historical and historiographical contexts while evaluating their historical importance. Table of Content and Abstracts of Vol.
The Ottoman institution of petitioning when the sultan no longer reigned: a view from post Ottoman Palestine NPT more. The Young Turk Revolution of helped transform the time-honored Ottoman petitioning system. The reinstatement of parliamentary life, the reintroduction of the suspended constitution of , and the lifting of the ban on the press and The reinstatement of parliamentary life, the reintroduction of the suspended constitution of , and the lifting of the ban on the press and political action all generated profound political and social changes.
Subjects' petitions reflected these changes vividly and in often surprising detail. Their content changed as well, as will be shown in this article through an analysis of dozens of petitions from Ottoman Palestine. Petitions now sought to obtain political rights and ensure civil equity and constitutional rights. In focusing on rights, the rule of law, and the deficiencies of the former system, the petitions echoed changes in popular discourse and mirrored the transformation from justice as a sultanic prerogative to constitutional and civil law.
This article compares the evacuations of the two port cities of Gaza and Jaffa in southern and central Palestine, respectively, by their civilian population on the orders of Cemal Pasha, the Ottoman commander of the Syrian front, during This article compares the evacuations of the two port cities of Gaza and Jaffa in southern and central Palestine, respectively, by their civilian population on the orders of Cemal Pasha, the Ottoman commander of the Syrian front, during the spring of While these evacuations are usually regarded as mutually exclusive events, they were in fact part of the same process.
We claim that the general evacuation order for two of the main coastal cities of Palestine was driven by the exigency of war and military considerations, rather than by political motivations such as the desire to destroy Zionism or take revenge against the Arab population. This view does not negate the exceptionality of each case but rather aims to better contextualize them within the larger framework of civilian affairs in the region and the Empire at large during WWI.
For this purpose we analyse a page enciphered Ottoman telegram that sheds new light on the rationale and the execution of the evacuation of populations in Palestine and compare it to other controversial events in Greater Syria during the war. March was a tragic month for Gaza and Jaffa, the two main cities along Palestine's southern and central coast.
The civilian population in both was evacuated by the Ottoman military regime in preparation for the invasion of the British army from Sinai. The literature dealing with the plight of the populations of Gaza and Jaffa during WWI tends to regard the events in these two cities for the most part as mutually exclusive. The former is rarely addressed in research, perhaps because it is seen as a negligible side effect of the skirmishes between the British and Ottoman armies on the southern border of Palestine.
When mentioned, though, it is often portrayed in the context of the anti-Arab tendencies of Cemal Pasha — , the Ottoman military governor of the Syrian front during WWI, the Minister of Navy and the commander of the Fourth Army. This historiographical split stems largely from the nationalistic nature of research on the Jewish Yishuv and Palestinian society as well as from major differences in the quality and quantity of available documentation for the two events.
Cartographical evidence of efforts to develop Acre during the last decades of Ottoman rule: did the Ottomans neglect the city? MHR more. Official Ottoman maps drawn at the request of the imperial centre as early as the s show that plans existed to develop Acre and its region. This approach, which is based on the belief in the human ability to confront and deal with deterministic geographic and physical conditions, seems to have been the foundation of Ottoman planning in the case of Acre. Thus, Acre was reduced to its formal status as the capital of an Ottoman administrative district until the end of the Ottoman rule in Palestine.
In a way, its fate was not very different from that of other traditional centres of Ottoman rule along the eastern Mediterranean coast, whose importance diminished at that time, while new centres that were more cosmopolitan and connected to developments overseas came to power. The New East Hamizrah Hahadash 55 more. The article deals with the Zarnuqa incident which took place on 23 July between the colonists and guards of Rehovot, and the Arab rural population in their vicinity, an incident which is considered by historians as a milestone in The article deals with the Zarnuqa incident which took place on 23 July between the colonists and guards of Rehovot, and the Arab rural population in their vicinity, an incident which is considered by historians as a milestone in Zionist-Arab relations in late Ottoman Palestine.
The aim of the article is to present the various narratives available to researchers today, staring with the various Jewish sources, then examining the Arabic sources and finally external ones.
We analyze each of the sources and draw general conclusions about the sources historians can use today when studying this formative period of Zionist - Arab early encounters. The decision to examine several different narratives provides a multidimensional perspective on the event.
Our aim is not to determine whose narrative is closer to historical reality which would certainly be elusive , or to find out who started the fight and who is to be blamed but rather to present the different narratives, how each side described the event, and what the narrators chose to emphasize and what to omit. The article illustrates the difficult task facing historians dealing with late Ottoman Palestine, the period of the early Zionist-Arab encounter and conflict. Translation of 10 petitions sent to Istanbul from Ottoman Palestine more.
The challenges facing the First Aliyah Sephardic Ottoman colonists more. The latter was mainly carried out by non-Ottoman Ashkenazi Jews who immigrated to Palestine from eastern Europe. As the only colony established during the First Aliyah by Sephardic Jews, and also due to its geographical isolation, Har-Tuv was detached from the processes taking place within the other Jewish colonies and the New Yishuv. This was often useful when the colony had problems with its Arab neighbors, and on several occasions Har-Tuv even served as an intermediary between the Arab rural population and the government.
View on press. This article presents and analyzes dozens of enciphered Ottoman telegrams from the War period dealing directly or indirectly with the yishuv. Four topics concerning the yishuv appear throughout the Ottoman enciphered correspondence: Zionist activity in Palestine, the expulsion of Jaffa and Tel-Aviv's Jewish residents, the European press and public opinion with regards to the Jews, and the NILI underground and other spying networks.
Most of these maps were not produced to deal directly with the issue of the border, but when embedded within the broader Ottoman cartographic and geopolitical framework, provide crucial information which allows us to trace the process of border definition. Their petitions also demonstrate vividly the extent to which they were involved in city politics and social life. Bedouins confidently put forward claims to landownership based on their own legal interpretation of their rights and, at times, even adopted the dominant discourse on good governance.
Ben-Bassat, Yuval and Fruma Zachs. Ben-Bassat, Yuval. View on youtube. The city and its population, particularly the Muslims, suffered greatly from that occupation. Most of the Turkish territory north of Edirne was lost to the new Christian state of Bulgaria. After the Russians withdrew, the town recovered for a time, and in its population was still about 87, However, it was once more devastated in the Balkan Wars of — The Turkish defeats in October left Edirne besieged by the Bulgarians.
The Turks held out there until March When the Bulgarians began fighting with their former allies over the spoils of the war, the Turks were able to reoccupy Edirne. After the establishment of modern Turkey in , the Greek population abandoned the town as part of the population exchanges between the two countries. The population—65, in —had dropped to 34, in Today Edirne is a border town with a population of 72, , the first stop for travellers entering Turkey by train from Western Europe.
It is the capital of the province of the same name. The area grows various grains and fruits. Shoghi Effendi had supplied them with a list of the houses and sites associated with Bahaullah. In the course of their visit they were able to identify four houses—all then in ruins after five wars—in which Bahaullah had lived, as well as several other sites. This house has been rebuilt though not fully restored and furnished.
Pilgrims occasionally visit. In five Hands of the Cause came to commemorate the centenary of the revelation of the Suriy-i Muluk. See also Garis, Root — However, the Ottomans were mainly interested in the Babis as a pawn in Turkish-Iranian relations. By favoring or suppressing the Babis, they could exercise some influence on the Persian government. Bahaullah, however, held himself aloof from such machinations, refusing even to return the visits of Turkish officials.
This evidently irritated the Sultan, and the Ottoman government yielded to the Iranian entreaties to send Bahaullah away from Istanbul. They were also apparently becoming concerned about the possibility of Babi views on theocratic government spreading and undermining Ottoman authority.
SPECIAL FOCUS: Remembrances
Evidently, the agitation of the Azalis in Istanbul aroused the implausible fear that Bahaullah was conspiring with the Bulgarians. There also had been trouble in Baghdad occasioned by the conversion of an Ottoman officer of Sunni clerical background. Bahaullah Himself believed that the Persian government was at least partly responsible. In the late s a further concern began to trouble the Ottoman government. A group of young intellectuals, the Young Ottomans, had started agitating for constitutional reform.
Bahaullah addressed the Ottoman government in a number of his works, especially during the period — June was the thirty-second Ottoman Sultan. European-style reforms were made in such areas as provincial administration, education, civil law, and the treatment of minorities and foreigners. He himself toured Western Europe, the first Ottoman sultan to do so.
On the other hand, unrest continued in the Balkans, much encouraged by Russia. There were revolts in Montenegro, Serbia, Herzegovina, Bulgaria, and Crete, eventually leading to the loss of much territory in Europe. Though he aligned the Ottoman Empire with Russia, a traditional enemy, unrest continued in the Balkans, culminating in a bloody uprising in Bulgaria in — Beginning in famine struck Anatolia.
In one particularly severe winter wolves killed animals and people in the suburbs of Istanbul.
Finally, the government was forced in to default on the huge public debt accumulated through years of deficits, triggering a major financial crisis and panic. Midhat Pasha, the president of the Council of State and a sympathizer with the Young Ottomans, obtained a fatva from the Mufti of Istanbul accusing the Sultan of madness, incompetence, and corruption, and with the support of other ministers, moved to depose him. Before dawn on 30 May warships and troops surrounded the palace.
Another ship threatened the Russian embassy to prevent intervention from that quarter. A few days later he was dead, though whether by suicide or murder is unclear. Most likely he shared the fears of his chief ministers about possible Babi political ambitions. He had done nothing against the Ottoman government: there was no justification for the harsh manner in which he and his followers had been treated.
This prediction was well known. In addition, he is mentioned in several other tablets, as well as in the writings of Shoghi Effendi. The order had been brought by the brother-in-law of the prime minister. Bahaullah promised to send a reply within three days. The text of this tablet is lost, but Nabil reports that it was long, began with an address to the Sultan, and included passages addressed to the ministers condemning their conduct and character. It would thus seem to have been similar in content to the passages addressed to the Sultan and his ministers in the slightly later Surat al-Muluk.
There is doubt as to the identity of the recipient. Bahaullah tells the Sultan that the selflessness of his advice is shown by the fact that he did not ask the Sultan for anything. He warns him against corrupt ministers. He should surround himself with just ministers with whom he consults about the good of the people. He should not rely on those who do not believe in God or who disobey divine law, for such people are not trustworthy. He should not allow others to act for him but should personally attend to matters of state. He should act with justice, trust in God, and observe moderation.
He should pay special attention to the needs of the poor and prevent his ministers from enriching themselves at the expense of the people, for in Istanbul Bahaullah saw that worthless people ruled over honorable people. The passage ends with Bahaullah complaining of the unjust suffering he has had to endure but reaffirming his loyalty and praying for the well-being of the Sultan.
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A major theme of this work is the destruction of the individuals, states, and religious institutions hostile to Bahaullah and his Faith. Finally came the extinction of the six-hundred year old dynasty along with the title of caliph supposedly inherited from Muhammad Himself. Turkey was made a secular state and the capital was moved to Ankara. The text of the relevant parts of Surat al-Muluk is found in Bahaullah, Alvah Bebek near Istanbul 7 Sept. The son of an Istanbul shopkeeper, he was born in Istanbul in February and entered government service at the age of fourteen in the secretariat of the court.
Since he knew some French, he was appointed to the Translation Bureau in The Translation Bureau was one of the reforms of Mahmud II and served as a school of foreign languages and training institute for diplomats. As one of the few modern educational institutions in the country, it produced many of the reforming statemen of the middle of the century. He rose rapidly in the diplomatic service and was sent to Vienna in , St.
Petersburg in , and London in where he was the counsellor. In he was a deputy to the counsellor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and became ambassador to Great Britain the following year. In he was counsellor to the Foreign Ministry and became foreign minister for the first time the following year when his mentor Rashid Pasha was promoted to prime minister.
He was dismissed for a few months in but soon restored. In the next two years he briefly held two minor governorships before returning to the Foreign Ministry. He was foreign minister —55, —58, July , Nov. He was prime minister Grand Vizier five times: , —56, —59, , and — As a diplomat he worked tirelessly to placate the European powers who threatened to dismember the empire.
He was also able to settle peacefully the rebellion in Crete.
At home he was less popular. The sultan disliked him for his attempts to restrain the arbitrary exercise of royal power, to protect the prerogatives of ministers, and to strengthen the rule of law. Nonetheless, under his ministry a number of important reforms of the government structure were carried out, railroads begun, and improvements made in education, the army, and the navy.
William Howard Russell, the British war correspondent, said of him in ,. Aali Pasha is a very small, slight, sallow-faced man, with two very penetrating honest-looking eyes. He has a delicate air, and looks timorous and nervous; and his standing attitude is one of rather imbecile deference to everybody, but in the presence of the Sultan this becomes almost prostration.
Yet, he is courageous, bold, enlightened, honest, and just; full of zeal for the interests of his country, and unceasing in his efforts for its improvement. He seems to have been favorably impressed by Bahaullah. In the Austrian ambassador, Prokesch von Osten, reported:. He has spoken to me of Babism as a doctrine which is worthy of high esteem, and which destroys certain anomalies that Islam has taken from Jewish and Christian doctrines, for example this conflict between a God who is omnipotent and yet powerless against the principle of evil; eternal punishments, etc.
But politically he considers Babism unacceptable as much in Persia as in Turkey, because it only allows legal sovereignty in the Imamate, while the Osmalis for example, he claims, separate temporal from spiritual power. The Bab, at Adrianople, is defrayed all expenses by the order of and to the charge of the Persian government.
For general accounts of his life see EI2, s. Thus Bahaullah was to be exiled to a less sensitive area. It was begun at Kesan Kashana , where the exiles spent the night of August , and was finished at Gyawur-Kyuy soon after. It is written in an elevated Arabic style and is some twenty pages in length. Unable to meet Bahaullah, he had gone to Gallipoli. Bahaullah also answers a question about the nature of the soul that Dhabih had asked in a letter. Dhabih was able to meet Bahaullah in a public bath in Gallipoli a few days after the completion of this tablet.
Dhabih died in Tabriz about His deeds have caused Muhammad to mourn. Bahaullah compares him to the rulers who had opposed Muhammad, Moses, and Abraham. The Shah of Iran had killed the Bab, but Bahaullah had nonetheless arisen to revive his religion. He prophesies that there will be great afflictions and turmoil in the region of Edirne and that it will pass out from under the authority of the Turkish Sultan.
Bahaullah then addresses Dhabih. He tells of how he and his family and followers awoke to find the house surrounded by soldiers barring all from coming or going, even keeping them from obtaining food the first night. The people of the town, hearing that they were to be sent away, gathered around the house weeping—but the grief of the Christians was greater than that of the Muslims. Though this was contrary to divine law, it showed the depth of their love. Such a thing had not been seen in past religions. Bahaullah praises Dhabih and seeks to console him. This is a day the prophets of the past all longed to attain.
His followers should thus not let afflictions discourage them. He prophesies that God will raise up a king to protect his followers. He refers Dhabih to another tablet where the matter is explained fully. The tablet closes with a prayer that Dhabih will not be hindered from meeting Bahaullah in Gallipoli. It is a strong protest at the injustice of the imprisonment of Bahaullah, his companions, and their dependents.
It is in Persian and is about twenty pages long. However, even if this accusation were true, the women and children who were imprisoned with Bahaullah had done nothing wrong. Such treatment was manifest injustice, since the people of Edirne could testify to the piety and detachment of Bahaullah and his companions. Warnings had come before—for example, when a large part of Istanbul burned—but they had not heeded.
Now it is too late: the wrath of God is so great to allow him to repent. Bahaullah reminds him that neither pomp nor abasement lasts forever. To illustrate this, Bahaullah tells of an incident from his youth. Bahaullah watched in fascination as the puppet-king and the members of his court come on stage and take their places. A thief is executed and blood spurts from the severed neck. The king dispatches soldiers to fight a rebel, and from behind the curtain the sounds of cannon are heard. After the show, Bahaullah saw a man come out with a box under his arm.
Bahaullah asked him where the king was and all the members of his court. The man said they were all in the box. From that day on, says Bahaullah, all the glory of the world has been like that puppet show in his eyes and of no value. Any perceptive person, he says, knows that worldly glory will soon be placed in the box of the grave. Even if a man is not given to know God, he ought at least to pass his life with prudence and justice. Nevertheless, most people are asleep and infatuated with worldly things.
They are like the drunken man who fell in love with a dog, only realizing what his lover was when morning came. If he examined his own soul, he would realize his own abasement. If Bahaullah was able to produce it, he and his companions should be freed and left to their own devices.
But no word came from the Sultan or from the officer. Though it was not fitting for the Manifestation of God to go before another, Bahaullah made this offer out of consideration for the children and women who shared his imprisonment and exile. They were in circulation by the mids and were included in early published collections of the works of Bahaullah. He spent three years as an army doctor in Tripoli, Libya. Having learned French in medical school, he was able in to obtain an appointment to the Translation Bureau, which also served as a training school for the modern diplomatic corps.
He was again foreign minister in —56, —60, , and During —67 he was also minister of war. He held several other senior posts at various times and was sent on a number of special missions, notably the suppression of the Greek revolt in Thessaly and Epirus in —55 and the Lebanese civil war in — He was determined to reshape the Ottoman Empire in a more European mold.
Nonethless, his efforts were necessarily less devoted to positive reforms than to fending off external threats to the empire and internal threats to the reforms by conservatives, notably from the Sultan himself. He was criticized by the younger reformers because of his lack of interest in representative government. He accompanied the Sultan to Europe in Exhausted by overwork, he went to France to rest in — He died of a heart attack in Nice 12 February His policy is succinctly stated in his reply to the inquiries of the Austrian ambassador:. On representing to Fuad Pasha the intolerant acts of the Ottoman Government towards the Babee Sect, he was informed by His Highness that the Porte had ordered Mirza Hussein Ali and his adherents to be deported to Tripoli in Africa on account of their having tried to propagate religious dissensions in the Mahomedan Element in Roumelia; that the Porte was entirely responsible for this measure, the Persian Legation having taken to part in it; and that the subvention of piasters per month which was allowed to the Mirza by the Authorities at Adrianople would not be discontinued at Tripoli.
Momen, Babi But there is no escape for him: the angels of hell summon him to the punishment prepared for him, reminding him of the great injustice he committed in making prisoners of the Holy Family. Bahaullah once again exhorts Samandar to remain steadfast against the lies of the Azalis, for God has also taken Mirza Mahdi Gilani, the Azali in Istanbul.
These stories, Bahaullah says, are told to console Samandar. A sentence is translated in Shoghi Effendi, Promised The Last Years of the Ottoman Empire. Born 21 Sept. Nonetheless, the Turks lost most of their remaining territory in Europe. The border of the newly-independent Bulgaria was only a few miles from Edirne. The finances of the Empire were placed under European control. Thereafter, he pursued a passive policy of delay in foreign relations. Though his extreme suspicion of the European powers sometimes lost opportunities for Turkey—as when his failure to cooperate with England lost him the chance to reassert Turkish sovereignty in Egypt—it kept Turkey at peace for a generation and prevented further major losses of territory.
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Once the war with Russia was over, he suspended the constitution and dissolved the irritating new Constituent Assembly. The reformers were soon silenced, exiled, or killed. An attempted countercoup further fueled his fears. He was himself shrewd and energetic, and he created a palace bureaucracy that allowed him to control directly all the details of government. A horde of police, spies, and informers pervaded the empire. The building of railroads and a telegraph network allowed him to control the empire far more tightly than any of his predecessors could have dreamed possible.
Freedom of speech was suspended. Censorship was all-pervading and thorough. The palace was a virtual fortress, guarded by Albanian guards loyal only to the Sultan. Apart from absolutism the distinguishing policy of his reign was Pan-Islamism. This won him support from the Muslim masses in the Empire and prestige for him and the Ottoman Empire in other Muslim countries, especially those controlled by Europeans, where he was able to make trouble for the European powers.
The greatest achievement of this policy was the building of the Hijaz Railway to carry pilgrims from Damascus to Mecca and Medina. It was paid for by contributions from the entire Muslim world and was completed as far as Medina, before being destroyed in World War I. It has never been rebuilt.
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The other side of this policy was the persecution of the non-Muslim minorities, especially the Christians. This culminated in civil disorders in Macedonia and great massacres of Armenians in —96 repeated on a much larger scale during World War I , carried out at the instigation of the authorities.
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Nonetheless his partiality to his Muslim subjects did not in the end win their permanent loyalty, for his administration was sufficiently corrupt to alienate Muslims as well. Like many of his reforming predecessors, he believed that reform could only be imposed from above, and in fact he carried out important reforms in education, communication, and law. However, absolute power was in the hands of a man gripped by exaggerated fears and for the most part blind to the actual needs of the people. Moreover, his insistence on dealing with everything himself greatly limited the effectiveness of government.
The Europeans were appalled by the oppressiveness and incompetence of his government, by the all-pervasive censorship, and especially by the brutal treatment of minorities. In the end the new educational institutions he had founded produced the reformers who overthrew him. A loose network of reform-minded exiles called the Young Turks formed the Committee of Union and Progress. His brother, Muhammad V r. He died in Istanbul on 10 Feb.
Unlike some of his predecessors, he was not ruined by the temptations of the harem. But he was lonely, fearful, and unhappy, and these qualities expressed themselves in the paranoia, treachery, and absolutism of his government. Muslims, Christians, and Jews celebrated together in the streets when he was overthrown. Several factors seem to have led the Sultan to give credence to these accusations. First was the increasing threat of nationalist movements in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire.
Second was the arrival of Western pilgrims. It was done suddenly—not a long time, in a moment, as it were. Shoghi Effendi, Promised 65, Jamal Pasha and World War I. After the revolution of , the Committee of Union and Progress ruled in the name of the Sultan. Internal reforms were, however, overshadowed by military disasters. In Italy seized Libya, the last Ottoman province in Africa. Though Ottoman forces performed fairly well—inflicting a humiliating defeat on the British in the Dardanelles campaign of , for example—the Ottoman economy eventually collapsed under the strain of modern war.
Troops deserted in large numbers. The Arab provinces of the Near East fell to Allied troops. On 30 October Turkey signed an armistice. Battle, famine, and disease had devastated the population. Born in Istanbul in , Jamal Pasha graduated from the Ottoman military college in and was commissioned a captain in the general staff. He commanded a division in the First Balkan War After the Committee of Union and Progress seized total power in January , he became successively military governor of Istanbul promoted to lieutenant-general , minister of public works, and minister of the navy. During this period he was one of the three Young Turk leaders who ruled as a dictatorial triumvirate.
Soon after war broke out, he was made commander of the Fourth Army in Damascus and military governor of the Syrian provinces—the area covering modern Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and northwestern Saudi Arabia. His efforts in and to invade British-occupied Egypt were repulsed. Despite progressive tendencies—notably an interest in public works and archaeology—Jamal Pasha ruthlessly suppressed the Arab nationalists, hanging thirty-two prominent Arab leaders in and He also persecuted the Jewish settlers in Palestine.
In return he would become Sultan of the Ottoman provinces in Asia. The British rebuffed him. Since the Turkish government did not find out about these negotiations, he remained in command of the Syrian army. In June the Sharif of Mecca—the hereditary ruler of the Hijaz—revolted against the Turks and began harrying their lines of communication.
At the end of the year, he was relieved of his command, having lost Palestine as far north as Jaffa and Jerusalem. The two men parted on good terms. After the failure of the first Turkish attack on the Suez Canal on 2—3 February , Jamal Pasha and his German advisers began elaborate preparations for a larger attack. Jamal Pasha himself roamed Syria and Palestine trying and hanging Arab nationalists. Thereafter, he was preoccupied with the British advance through Sinai and southern Palestine that began in August and lasted until December See also Blomfield, Chosen —5.
Note that the order of events given in the body of the present article is an educated guess. Most of what we know about his dealings with the Pasha come from these talks. He was tried in absentia and sentenced to death. In Tiflis, Armenia, on 21 July , while returning from another diplomatic mission to Moscow, he was assassinated by Armenians, the third victim of a campaign to avenge the Armenian massacres of World War I.
For the life of Jamal Pasha, see EI2, s. Peace, however, was not to come to Turkey for four more years after the end of World War I, for the Allies planned the dismemberment of Turkey. The Armenians had been promised a state including most of eastern Anatolia, and the Italians had been allotted southwestern Anatolia.
The Greeks had invaded western Anatolia, pushing eastwards from the ancient Greek territories of the Aegean coast, burning and killing as they went. The Sultan, a bitter enemy of the Young Turks, was in the hands of the Allies and was abetting their plans. In the face of this disastrous situation, the Turks of Anatolia rallied to resist the various invaders. The new regime defeated the Armenian Republic in , regaining some territory lost to Russia forty years earlier and ending Armenian hopes for regaining their old lands in eastern Anatolia.
In the Turks drove the Greeks back into the sea at Smyrna. The Treaty of Lausanne of confirmed the existence of the new Turkey. Huge population exchanges—Muslim Turks from Greece and Greek Christians from Turkey—and the loss of the non-Turkish Muslim provinces resulted in a new Turkish republic that was overwhelmingly Muslim and ethnically Turkish. The Sultanate was abolished and with it the Ottoman Empire. The last Sultan lingered a few months longer as caliph—now only a religious leader—but even this title was abolished in The Ottoman Empire had been a multi-ethnic empire ruled by a Turkish dynasty; the Republic of Turkey became a Turkish national state.
Islam was deinstitutionalized. Though mosques remained open, all the theological seminaries and monasteries of the mystical orders were closed. Almost all religious institutions were disbanded. A new civil law based on the Swiss code replaced Islamic law. Traditional headgear was prohibited, and men were required to wear Western hats. Under state sponsorship there was rapid economic development. His attempts to abolish Arabic as a liturgical language were eventually abandoned.
Politically, Turkey has become generally democratic. However, Islamic nationalism is also increasingly influential. Shoghi Effendi on the fall of the Ottomans and the rise of modern Turkey. He links it to the fall of the Qajar monarchy in Iran. For Shoghi Effendi the decline of Istanbul—no longer the capital even of the shrunken Turkish Republic—particularly symbolized this.
While in Iran the Babis had attempted to assassinate the Shah, the Ottomans had no just cause for complaint against the Bahaullah. He ruthlessly suppressed competing influences: most Islamic institutions, particularly the mystical orders, Freemasons, labor groups, Communists, and the like. When the Istanbul spiritual assembly intervened, its members were also arrested. In the end they were cleared of the charge of being a subversive organization and convicted only of the minor charge of having failed to register as an association.
The constitution of the Republic of Turkey guarantees freedom of worship and conscience but prohibits religious interference in politics. The criminal code prohibits proselytism. The establishment of the republic resulted in the deinstitutionalization of Islam but also the departure of almost all non-Muslims from the country. Islamic institutions now are entirely controlled by the state.
Other religious communities are free of direct state control but must operate within narrow legal limits. Martha Root visited Turkey in , , and With the aid of pioneers from Iraq and Iran, the community grew to twelve assemblies in 26 localities. A national spiritual assembly was formed in The community built a national hazirat al-quds in Istanbul and bought a temple site and three holy places. There were organized youth activities.
During the Nine Year Plan —73 the community grew to 22 assemblies in 57 localities, including groups on three islands near the Dardanelles: Imroz, Bozca Ada, and Marmara. There were also systematic efforts to establish communities in the towns and villages visited by Bahaullah and along the Black Sea coast. The number of assemblies and localities grew to 33 and in but dropped to 29 and 98 by In there were 50 assemblies and localities. Fairly large scale enrollments have occured in southwestern Turkey.
These include establishing communities in the areas visited by him, acquiring and restoring holy places, and commemorating events of his life in Turkey. The peculiar political conditions of Turkey made goals involving official recognition difficult to attain. The first national spiritual assembly had to be elected by mail. Though the national spiritual assembly was not been able to achieve incorporation, by it had some exemption from taxation.
Some of their families have remained and have assimilated thoroughly into Turkish life, a process encouraged by strong Turkish nationalist pressures. Though Turkey still receives pioneers, it sends almost as many pioneers out to other countries. All speak Turkic dialects that are somewhat mutually intelligible.
Turks and Turkic peoples have lived in Iran for more than a thousand years, largely sharing the culture of the Persian-speaking majority. More often than not, Iran has been ruled by Turkish dynasties such as the Safavids — and the Qajars — Most of the Babis at the battle of Zanjan, for example, must have been Turks. The area north of Iran and Afghanistan and east of the Caspian was formerly known as Russian Turkistan.
There are also other Turkic groups elsewhere in the Soviet Union. Until the early s there were national spiritual assemblies in the Caucasus, which included Soviet Azerbaijan, and Turkistan. New converts seem to include a significant number of Turks, but the sitatuation is changing rapidly.